Israelis Bodysnatchers

Monday, August 31, 2009
Israeli Bodysntchers
Current mood: aggravated
Story Puts Israeli Government in Frenzied Denial Mode
Israeli Bodysnatchers
The investigative report written by Swedish journalist Donald Bostrm and published in Sweden’s largest newspaper Aftonbladet about Israeli occupation forces killing Palestinians with the objective of stealing their organs has raised a political and media storm in Israel, disclosing up a horrible crime perpetrated for years under the full gaze of the `free’ world. These criminal acts began in 1992 when Palestinians started to witness a sharp rise in the number of young Palestinians disappearing and of bodies of Palestinians killed by occupation forces being returned with organs such as hearts, kidneys, livers and eyes missing.
“I was in the area at the time, working on a book”, Bostrm writes. “On several occasions I was approached by UN staff concerned about the developments. The persons contacting me said that organ theft definitely occurred but that they were prevented from doing anything about it…. I travelled around interviewing a great number of Palestinian families in the West Bank and Gaza – meeting parents who told of how their sons had been deprived of organs before being killed. One example that I encountered on this eerie trip was the young stone-thrower Bilal Ahmed Ghanam”.
Bilal, 19, was one of 133 Palestinians killed in various ways that year; 69 of them went through postmortem examination. Bostrm describes in detail how Israeli occupation soldiers targeted Bilal, a leader of the stone-throwing children, at midnight on May 13, 1992, shot him first in the chest and he was subsequently shot with one bullet in each leg. Two soldiers then shot Bilal in the stomach. Finally, they grabbed him by his feet, dragged him, then loaded him in a jeep and drove him to the outskirts of the village, where a military helicopter waited. He was flown to an unknown destination. Five days later he came back, dead and wrapped in green hospital fabric. It was clear that Bilal’s body was slit from his abdomen up to his chin. The families and relatives of Khaled from Nablus, the mother of Raed from Jenin and the uncles of Mahmood and Nafez from Gaza, all talked to Bostrm about their children who had all disappeared for a number of days only to return at night, dead and autopsied.
Investigations in New Jersey, have proved that Rabbi Levy-Izhak (Isaac Rosenbaum) from Brooklyn and other rabbis have run for years networks to sell the kidneys of Palestinian martyrs in the US black market. Patients in the United States paid up to US$ 160,000 per kidney. In 2003, a medical conference showed that Israel is the only country in the world in which the medical profession does not condemn stealing human organs and does not act against those involved in such a crime. On the contrary, and as was revealed by a Dagens Nyheter report on December 5, 2003 and the Aftonbladet report of August 17, 2009, prominent doctors in major Israeli hospitals steal and transplant organs routinely. When asked about the number of bodies sold by rabbi Rosenbaum, he answers proudly, “we are talking about a very large number,” and that his company has worked in this field “for a long period of time”.
Francis Delmonici, professor of transplant surgery at Harvard University confirms that organ trafficking is widespread in Israel and believes that there is sufficient evidence to ask the International Criminal Court to investigate Israeli crimes. Israeli media have turned the results shown by Aftonbladet’s investigative report into a diplomatic crisis between Sweden and Israel instead of demanding an end to this atrocious crime and bringing those corrupt criminals to justice.
Headlines highlighted that the Swedish prime minister refused to apologize and that Donald Bostrm refused to withdraw the report despite the fact that he received death threats. What should the Sw

Night of Horror in Jerusalem Hospital

Kawther Salam – Night of Israeli Horror in Jerusalem Hospital

Posted: 27 Aug 2009 08:09 AM PDT

The roots and the horror of this crime date back to June 2, 1994, when the Israeli Special Forces and other IDF soldiers stormed the surgery, maternity and pediatric wards of the Palestinian hospital Augusta Victoria (generally known as “al-Motala”) in Jerusalem while they were looking for the BODY of a Palestinian who they mistakenly thought had arrived at that hospital.

Back then, the Israeli military censorship in “Beit Agron”, the so-called Government Press “GPO”, currently headed by Danial Seaman, censored my report about the night of terror experienced by doctors, nurses, patients and guests during the IDF incursion to their rooms, putting their lives at big risk.

Why did the military censorship ban my report from being published in Al-Quds newspaper in Jerusalem, where I worked as a journalist and investigator? Was it not true, or did they just not like what they read?
Has the military censorship thought even for a while that I would keep my right to publish my report about the unwarranted IDF crime in the Augusta Victoria Hospital, even 15 years later, and that censoring is not the right way to deal with journalists?
A copy of my report, which was censored back then, can be seen in the scan of the article, which is stamped in Hebrew by the military censor as “publication not allowed”.
After 42 years of living under the Israeli military laws, under the unjust laws of the British mandate which ended in 1948 but still used illegally by the Israeli occupation in the occupied West Bank until today, the Palestinian publications (newspapers, magazines, publishing houses and advertising, … etc.) must present all material to Israeli military censorship 24 hours before publishing. The IDF censor is the only one who approves or disapproves the publication of an article.

Here is the report which the IDF military censorship banned from publishing back in 1994. I watched the IDF storming the hospital with my own eyes, and I was threatened with death twice by the IDF and the special forces during this crime.


An hour and half of Terror in Al-Motala Hospital.
Storming the Surgery and Maternity.
Cases of Hysteria Hit the Children as Consequence.

Jerusalem: On Saturday, July, 2 1994, I was in company of my nephew “Mahmoud”, a child of 18 months, in the Augusta Victoria hospital in Jerusalem, also known as “al-Motala” hospital. The father and mother of the child were denied entry to Jerusalem by the Israeli military, so I went with him to the hospital. I heard at 17:10 that the doors of the hospital were knocked down loudly and loudly, then I heard glass falling, scattered on the ground.

Immediately I left my nephew and rushed to the surgical ward of the hospital to find out what was happening there. I saw a group of Israeli Special Forces death squads and another group of Israeli Special Forces in uniform, numbering more than fifteen troops running around in the hospital and breaking the glass doors of the operation room with their boots. The soldiers were fixing their fingers on triggers and pointing their rifles at doctors and nurses. I saw the soldiers coming out of the operating room and entering the next doctor’s room after also breaking the door.
Dr. Alaa Ashour was in a pause room wearing pyjamas. The soldiers (IDF) asked him to prostrate himself on the ground, and one of them stepped on him with his jackboots. I saw this and immediately ran to the pediatric section to carry Mahmoud away. I told the doctor in the section what was happening elsewhere in the hospital. Before I could finish my sentence, the soldiers had entered the children’s section. I spoke English with the soldiers; I told them that they were entering the children’s ward, a place which has a special sanctity, and that they should take this into acco

Love Letter to Palestine

Love letter to Palestine

Jude Flynn

“I think I may well have fallen in love with you. . .I write this in a country which is not too far from you . . . [and] carry a part of you around with me . . .”

Jude Flynn is a British student who just visited occupied Palestine. Upon her visit she was shocked to see the atrocities and calamities that Palestinians encounter daily. Looking at the wall, seeing the ramifications, Jude wrote this article in love of Palestine.

She Spent 8 days travelling around the West Bank in August as a tourist, visiting Ramallah, Nablus, Jericho, Hebron and Bil’lin. She didn’t want to go as an activist or volunteer, but wanted to see the everyday lives of people in the West Bank.

Jude writes:

I think I may well have fallen in love with you. I write this in a country which is not too far from you, and all I can do is compare you jealously. One thing, perhaps, which made me fall in love with you was the seemingly bottomless kindness and selflessness of your people. Of all the countries I have visited, I have never met people as warm or as generous, as willing to help me.

I lost count of the number of times people escorted me to bus stops, cafes, landmarks, or the number of times people gave me lifts in their cars, paid my bus fare, invited me to have coffee and knafeh with them, gave me iced lemon on sweltering days. I am unsure as to where to this benevolence stems from- indeed, in other places which have seen as much misfortune as you, this misfortune is used as an excuse for the coldness and indifference of their people.

I have a suspicion, though, that it may stem from the way in which your people love you. In the same way that I have never met people so kind, I have also never met people who loved their country so fiercely, proudly or unconditionally. Your people are certainly not going to give up on you anytime soon, despite the fact that it would be relatively easy for them to do so. This love is embodied in the old men and women who have been waiting patiently for the past 60 years to have returned to them what is rightfully theirs.

It is embodied in the family who refused an offer of $40 million for their home by the Israeli government because of its strategic position. The depth of your people’s love for you is profound and moving, and is visible on every street corner, with flags and keffiyehs waving in the wind. These are a people in love with their country. As Mahmoud Darwish said, they are the lovers and their land is the beloved.

Like any person, it was the small things about you, your minutiae, which made me love you. It was when I was woken up for the 7th day in a row by the call to prayer, and was delighted by it, that I knew I loved you. I loved the way people walked down the streets so slowly so as to almost be standing still, I loved the anarchic road-crossing, I loved the way stylish teenagers helped elderly strangers into buses, I loved the way people danced at weddings with joyful abandon in a way people in my country never do, I loved your crowds of proud and handsome young men standing on the streets for hours in the evening doing nothing at all but grinning cheekily at everything, I loved the way an old man wearing a keffiyeh on his head tapped the Palestinian flag on my wrist nodding and saying emphatically, good.

I will soon be very far away from you, and like all goodbyes, this saddens me. I must believe, though, that I will come back to you soon. In spite of our separation du corps I carry a part of you around with me, and I do not feel as though we are really apart. I will hurry back to you soon enough- I have no choice, as I cannot forget about you, even if I wanted to.

Jude Flynn is a British student and teacher of English Language.

Israel Last Chance

Israel’s Last Chance

by Gabriel Kolko
The United States has given Israel $51.3 billion in military grants since 1949, most of it after 1974 – more than any other country in the post-1945 era. Israel has also received $11.2 billion in loans for military equipment, plus $31 billion in economic grants, not to mention loan guarantees or joint military projects. But major conditions on these military grants have meant that 74 percent of it has remained in the U.S. to purchase American arms. Since it creates jobs and profits in many districts, Congress is more than ready to respond to the cajoling of the Israel lobby. This vast sum has both enabled and forced Israel to prepare to fight an American-style war. But the US since 1950 has failed to win any of its big wars.

In early 2005 the new chief of staff of the Israel Defense Force, Dan Halutz, embarked on the most extensive reorganization in the history of IDF. Halutz is an Air Force general and enamored with the doctrines that justify the ultra-modern equipment the Americans showered upon the Israelis. Attack helicopters, unmanned aircraft, advanced long-range intelligence and communications, and the like were at the top of his agenda. His was merely a variation of Donald Rumsfeld’s “shock and awe” concepts.

The 34-day war in Lebanon, starting July 12 last year, was a disastrous turning point for Israel. Until the Eliyahu Winograd Commission, which Olmert set up in September 2006, delivers its interim report in late April – which will cover the first five days of the war only – and resolves these matters, we will not know precisely the orders sent to specific units or the timing of all of the actors, but there is already a consensus on far more important fundamentals. But the Israelis did not lose the war because of orders given or not given to various officers. It was a war of choice, and it was planned as an air war with very limited ground incursions in the expectation that Israeli casualties would be very low. Major General Herzl Sapir at the end of February said that “the war began at our initiative and we did not take advantage of the benefits granted to the initiator.” Planning for the war began November 2005 but reached high gear by the following March before the expected kidnapping of two IDF soldiers – the nominal excuse for the war. There is no controversy over the fact that it was a digitized, networked war, the first in Israel’s experience, and conformed to Halutz’ – and American – theories of how war is fought in this high-tech era. The US fought identical wars in Afghanistan and Iraq – and is in the process of losing both.

What were the Israeli objectives? – war aims, if you will. While the Winograd Commission report may clarify this question, at the very least a number of goals are known already. Halutz wanted to “shock and awe” the Hezbollah and their allies with Israeli power – all within a few days. There were lesser aims, such as moving the Hezbollah rockets well away from the borders or even getting its two kidnapped soldiers returned, but at the very least Halutz wanted to make a critical point.

Instead, he revealed Israel’s vulnerability based, in large part, on the fact the enemy was far better prepared, motivated, and equipped. It was the end of a crucial myth, the harbinger of yet more bloody, but equal, armed conflicts or a balance of power conducive to negotiations. Olmert and his generals very likely expected to have a great victory within five days, thereby increasing his popularity with the hawkish Jewish population that is a growing majority of the voters, to reverse his abysmally low poll ratings, thereby saving his political career – he received three percent popularity in a TV poll in early March.

There are many reasons the Israelis lost the war in Lebanon, but there is general agreement within Israel that the war ended in disaster and the deterrent value of the once unbeatable, super-armed IDF gravely diminished in the en

A Stalemated Action of History

Israel: A Stalemated Action of History
In late 1949 I worked on a boat taking Jews from Marseilles to Haifa, Israel. Jews from Arab nations were in the front of the boat, Europeans in the rear. I was regarded by many of the Europeans as some sort of freak because I had a United States passport and so could stay in the land of milk and honey. One man wanted me to marry his daughter – which meant he too could live in the land of milk and honey. My Hebrew became quite respectable but the experience was radicalizing or, I should say, kept me radical, and I have stayed that way.

Later I learned from someone who ran a displaced persons camp in Germany that the large majority of Jews wanted to go anywhere but Palestine. They were compelled to state Palestine or else risk receiving no aid. I understood very early that there was much amiss in the countless Arab villages and homes I saw destroyed, and that the entire Zionist project – regardless of the often venal nature of the Arab opposition to it – was a dangerous sham.

The result of the creation of a state called Israel was abysmal. Jews from Poland have nothing in common with Germans and neither has anything to do with those from the Arab world. It is nationality, not religion, that counts most. Jews in Israel, especially the Germans, largely ghettoized themselves by their place of origin during the first generation, when a militarized culture produced the mixed new breed called sabras – an essentially anti-intellectual personality far different from the one the early Zionists, who were mostly socialists who preached the nobility of labor, expected to emerge. The large majority of Israelis are not in the least Jewish in the cultural sense, are scarcely socialist in any sense, and daily life and the way people live is no different in Israel than it is in Chicago or Amsterdam. There is simply no rational reason that justifies the state’s creation.

The outcome is a small state with a military ethos that pervades all aspects of Israel’s culture, its politics and, above all, its response to the existence of Arabs in its midst and at its borders. From its inception, the ideology of the early Zionists – of Labor Zionism as well as the rightist Revisionism that Vladimir Jabotinsky produced – embodied a commitment to violence, erroneously called self-defense, and a virtual hysteria. As a transcendent idea, Zionism has no validity because the national differences between Jews are overwhelming.

What Zionism confirmed, if any confirmation were needed, is that accidents are more important in shaping history than is all too often allowed. Here was the intellectual caf, which existed in key cities – Vienna at the turn of the twentieth century or the Lower East Side of New York before World War I – filled with immensely creative people full of ideas and longing for a golden era to come. Ideas – good, bad, and indifferent – flourished. In this heady atmosphere, Zionism was born.

But Zionism has produced a Sparta that traumatized an already artificially divided region partitioned after the collapse of the Ottoman Empire during World War I led to the Versailles Treaty and the creation of the modern Middle East. The state of Israel has always relied on military solutions to political and sociological problems with the Arabs. The result is constant mobilization.

Even more troublesome for peace and stability in the vast Middle East, Zionism has always been symbiotic on some great power for the security of its national project, realized in a state called Israel. Before 1939 it was the British; during the 1950s it was France. Israel has survived since the late 1960s on the influx of US arms and money, and this has allowed it to encourage its fears of annihilation – a fate its possession of nuclear weapons makes most unlikely. But Israel also has an importance far beyond the fantasies of a few confused literati. Today its significance for American foreign policy is f

Corporate Media Ownership In USA

Corporate Media Ownership

The Project Censored team researched the board members of 10 major media organizations from newspaper to television to radio. Of these ten organizations, we found there are 118 people who sit on 288 different American and international corporate boards proving a close on-going interlock between big media and corporate America. We found media directors who also were former Senators or Representatives in the House such as Sam Nunn (Disney) and William Cohen (Viacom). Board members served at the FCC such as William Kennard (New York Times) and Dennis FitzSimmons (Tribune Company) showing revolving door relationships with big media and U.S. government officials.

These ten big media organizations are the main source of news for most Americans. Their corporate ties require us to continually scrutinize the quality of their news for bias. Disney owns ABC so we wonder how the board of Disney reacts to negative news about their board of directors friends such as Halliburton or Boeing. We see board members with connections to Ford, Kraft, and Kimberly-Clark who employ tens of thousands of Americans. Is it possible that the U.S. workforce receives only the corporate news private companies want them to hear? Do we collectively realize that working people in the U.S. have longer hours, lower pay and fewer benefits than their foreign counterparts? If these companies control the media, they control the dissemination of news turning the First Amendment on its head by protecting corporate interests over people.

Download our guide to Corporate Media Ownership (pdf) to find out what the media owns or click here to see Media Map of who owns what